Two European leaders are visiting major Asian nations this week. French President Emmanuel Macron is on a three-day tour of China, while Russian President Vladimir Putin is scheduled to arrive in India for a two-day visit on December 4. Both leaders aim to strengthen their countries’ global trade positions and seek support for their stances on the war in Ukraine. However, despite the warm receptions and official banquets they are guaranteed, neither is likely to achieve more than lukewarm reassurances.

Macron’s visit to China is his fourth since taking office in 2017 and is considered by Paris to be his most significant. Securing even a short meeting with Chinese President Xi Jinping is notoriously difficult, but Xi has been unusually generous with his time for Macron, even accompanying him on a visit to Chengdu, the capital of Sichuan—a rare honor. Still, French diplomatic sources suggest Macron does not expect to influence China’s position on Ukraine or trade significantly.

European leaders have grown increasingly critical of China’s perceived support for Russia’s military operations in Ukraine. Initially, this support was limited to purchases of Russian oil and gas and the sale of Chinese goods to replace items missing in Russian stores due to Western sanctions. Now, there are increasing claims that Chinese components are appearing in Russian-manufactured weapons, and the Financial Times reported in late November that military links between Beijing and Moscow are becoming institutionalized, with a Chinese company allegedly acquiring a stake in one of Russia’s largest drone manufacturers.

China, which initially claimed neutrality, has become more open about its preferences. During a July 2025 trip to Europe, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi told the EU’s top diplomat that Beijing does not wish to see Russia defeated in Ukraine. Before Macron’s arrival in Beijing, Wang visited Moscow and signed a joint statement pledging that China would continue working with Russia to implement their “important common understandings.” Both Paris and Beijing recognize that any discussion about Ukraine is largely symbolic and unlikely to yield practical outcomes.

Macron is also unlikely to make major headway on trade. France’s trade deficit with China stood at €47 billion in 2024, slightly smaller than in previous years but still double what it was a decade ago, with the upward trend expected to continue. Macron has encouraged European leaders to negotiate with China as a bloc, but few have followed his advice. Nevertheless, the Chinese government appears to value the French delegation, which includes around 35 top executives from companies such as Airbus, EDF, and Danone, all hoping to secure deals. Beijing may also be interested in Macron’s perspective on the ongoing tensions between China and Japan over Taiwan, though Macron is likely to be cautious on this issue. Overall, the visit is unlikely to achieve significant breakthroughs.

Similarly, Putin’s visit to India faces limitations. India continued to buy Russian oil and gas throughout the Ukraine war, with imports rising from 2 percent of its crude supply before the war to as much as 50 percent in subsequent years. On the eve of Putin’s arrival, the ambassadors of Britain, France, and Germany published a joint article criticizing Russia’s approach to peace in Ukraine, a move interpreted as a subtle rebuke of India’s stance. However, India is expected to disregard these entreaties. US sanctions on Russian energy companies, effective at the end of November, have reduced India’s purchases to less than 30 percent, and Putin is unlikely to reverse this trend.

Russia remains a major military supplier to India, but purchases are declining as India diversifies its sources and faces competition from Western manufacturers. While Putin may attempt to regain influence in India’s defense market, his options are limited by Russia’s own need for weapons amid the ongoing war. Russia’s warming relations with Pakistan are partly intended to signal to India that Moscow has alternatives, but Indian security planners are unlikely to be concerned, recognizing Russia’s current weaknesses.

As a result, both Macron and Putin, despite their differing positions in Europe, are likely to return home with limited tangible results from their trips.